Iran has kept the door open to talks with the incoming Donald Trump administration, while warning the US president-elect that any attempt to re-impose “more and more pressure” on the Islamic Republic will fail to win concessions.
Majid Takht Ravanchi, Iran’s deputy foreign minister for political affairs, told the Financial Times that coercion and threats would prove ineffective in the long-running tensions between Iran and the West over Tehran’s nuclear program.
“As far as dialogue is concerned, we need to monitor US policy and decide to respond accordingly,” Takht Ravanchi said in his office at the Foreign Ministry in Tehran. “The key question now is how the new administration will approach Iran, the nuclear issue, regional security and the Middle East. It is premature to speculate on specific outcomes.”
Takht Rwanchi said the 2015 nuclear deal with the West, from which Trump later withdrew the US, “can still serve as a basis and be updated to reflect new realities.” “If the other parties go back on their commitments, we have repeatedly said that we are ready to do so,” he said.
He added: “We are in favor of negotiations, as we proved.[with that deal]. . . But who sabotaged the talks earlier? It was the Trump administration that was not ready to negotiate.
At the same time, the veteran diplomat and former nuclear negotiator warned that “more pressure will be met with more resistance” if Trump gets tough again.
“We will continue to work around sanctions, diversify our trading partners and strengthen regional ties to remain peaceful,” he added.
During his first term, Donald Trump sparked a nuclear standoff with Iran after withdrawing from the 2015 deal, known as the JCPOA, that Tehran signed with world powers. were, and imposed waves of sanctions on the Islamic Republic in what they called a “maximum pressure” campaign.
He accused Tehran of violating the “spirit” of the accord by collecting new revenues to support its regional proxies, particularly Lebanon’s Hezbollah. In retaliation, Iran has dramatically increased its nuclear activities, and is enriching uranium near weapons grade despite insisting its program is for civilian purposes.
Trump has nominated Iran hawks to senior posts as he prepares for his second term at a time when the republic faces mounting internal and external pressure.
Sanctions have strangled Iran’s economy, while Israel has weakened militant groups close to Iran — such as Hezbollah and Hamas — and Iran and the Jewish state have threatened Hamas with an October 7, 2023 attack. Then there is the business of firing direct missiles during a year of regional conflict.
Last month, Israel launched its largest attack on Iran, targeting missile factories and air defenses in response to an earlier Iranian attack on Israel.
People familiar with Trump’s thinking have told the Financial Times that his administration will try to “bankrupt” Iran in order to force the republic to negotiate.
The regional and nuclear crises have raised fears in Tehran that Trump will once again try to reduce Iran’s oil exports – the main source of its hard currency – to zero. In recent years, Iran has significantly increased its oil sales, especially to China.
Takht Ruanchi tried to downplay the prospect of tougher oil sanctions in Trump’s second presidency.
“Although there may be progress, they will not lead to significant changes,” he added: “If the Trump administration decides to re-adopt a policy of maximum pressure in the oil market, it will certainly will fail. In today’s world, no single country can impose conditions on the entire international community.
For now, he said, “We hope he doesn’t repeat the same mistake because the outcome won’t be different.”
The Trump administration claimed it would bring Iran to the negotiating table. [during his first term]but failed to do so. It is up to them to follow the same behavior for another four years and fail again. But this is an irrational thing,” said Takht Ravanchi.
Reformist President Masoud Pizshakyan was elected in July on promises to resolve the nuclear crisis in order to get rid of sanctions.
Pizshakyan is not the final decision-maker on foreign policy, but has the ability to influence Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the elite Revolutionary Guards if he can demonstrate the economic benefits of negotiations. Failure to do so could embolden hardliners opposed to the JCPOA.
The appointment of figures such as Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, a former nuclear negotiator, and Takht Rawanchi signaled a possible willingness to show flexibility in dealings with Washington.
Takht Ravanchi denied media reports citing US and Iranian officials that Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations, Amir Saeed Irani, met with American businessman and close Trump ally Elon Musk last week.
“There was no such meeting. . . . If there was such a meeting, we would have been very transparent about it,” said Takht Ravanchi, adding that Iranian ambassadors traditionally meet with non-governmental figures such as academics.
In his first term, Trump ordered the assassination of General Qassem Soleimani, Iran’s top guards commander for operations abroad.
Iran vowed to avenge his death, and this month the Justice Department accused the Iranian government of hiring a man to assassinate perceived enemies of the regime, including Trump. Iran has denied involvement in any plot to assassinate Trump.
Regarding Soleimani, Takht Ruanchi said only that “our judiciary has initiated legal proceedings and will continue on this path based on our principles”.
There are concerns in Tehran that if Trump decides to move against Iran, he may support Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Iran has yet to respond to last month’s Israeli attack. Takht Ravanchi said Iran “does not seek war, conflict or tension, although it is ready to fight any imposed war”.
But he said Tehran would continue to support its allies in the “axis of resistance” to militant groups firing on Israel. “We will continue to support the resistance movement. This is the policy of the Islamic Republic and it will not change.”
